The Role of Political Public Relations In Enhancing Voter Engagement: 2020 Jordanian Parliamentary Election As A Case Study

Sarah Ahmad Okour; Khalaf Lafee Alhammad

doi:10.36923/jicc.v25i2.1063

Open Access Article Intercultural Communication

Sarah Ahmad Okour ⁽¹⁾ , Khalaf Lafee Alhammad ⁽²⁾

1. Department of Digital Promotional Media, University of Petra, Jordan

2. Department of public relations and advertising, Yarmouk University, Jordan

https://doi.org/10.36923/jicc.v25i2.1063

Issue
Vol. 25 No. 2 (2025)

Submitted
2024 December 29

Accepted
2025 March 26

Published
2025 June 1

Keywords:

Political Public Relations, Parliamentary Election, Public Engagement, Public Trust, Political Participation, Jordan

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Abstract

Why do political messages so often fail to persuade voters and increase voter turnout, and what does this reveal about voter decision-making? In Jordan, scholars and journalists have long highlighted the challenges associated with low voter turnout in parliamentary elections. However, the media framing techniques intended to engage voters, the reasons these frames have failed—particularly in mobilizing youth participation in the 2020 parliamentary election—and the online communicative strategies of key media outlets remain insufficiently understood. Drawing from a political public relations perspective, this study investigates the communication messages and engagement strategies used to address the public, and explores how political PR can function as a mechanism to bridge the communication gap between governmental institutions and citizens in an effort to enhance voter participation. The article analyzes two prominent digital political actors during Jordan’s 2020 parliamentary election: the Facebook pages of Almamlaka TV and the Independent Election Commission. To this end, a quantitative content analysis was conducted to examine communication techniques, the use of PR appeals, and the role of political trust in shaping voting behavior. The findings reveal that political PR tools were largely absent from Jordanian electoral communications. Core elements such as topics, frames, focus, effects, appeals, engagement efforts, and multimedia use were found to be poorly designed and ineffectively executed. This study concludes that the failure to implement strategic political PR has significantly limited the impact of electoral messaging. It underscores the urgent need for governmental organizations to invest in professional public relations as a means of rebuilding trust, fostering political engagement, and strengthening the government-public relationship.

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Authors

Sarah Ahmad Okour

https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2275-3401

sarah.okour@uop.edu.jo (Primary Contact)

Khalaf Lafee Alhammad

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0145-4886

Author Biographies

Sarah Ahmad Okour

Dr. Sarah Ahmad Mahmoud Okour is an Assistant Professor at the University of Petra. She holds a Ph.D. in Media and Communication- political public relations from the University of Chester, United Kingdom. Her research interests focus on political public relations, spin doctoring, and media framing. Dr. Okour's work explores the intersections of political communication and media influence, contributing to the growing scholarship in public relations and strategic communication.

Khalaf Lafee Alhammad

Dr. Khalaf Lafee Alhammad is an Associate Professor at Yarmouk University. He earned his Ph.D. in Mass Communication from Cairo University. His academic work centers on public opinion, public relations, and propaganda, with a focus on how media strategies influence public perception and behavior. Dr. Alhammad has contributed to the field through research that critically examines the dynamics of communication in political and social contexts.

Okour, S. A., & Alhammad, K. L. (2025). The Role of Political Public Relations In Enhancing Voter Engagement: 2020 Jordanian Parliamentary Election As A Case Study. Journal of Intercultural Communication, 25(2), 57-73. https://doi.org/10.36923/jicc.v25i2.1063

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Introduction

Globally, democracies are experiencing a well-documented crisis in voter engagement and political participation (Kelm et al., 2023; Ohme et al., 2020; Ćorić et al., 2017; Gharaibeh, 2011). Governments do not operate in isolation; beyond implementing policies and delivering services, maintaining public trust is essential for democratic systems to function and thrive. In Jordan, public trust in the government’s commitment to fostering genuine political culture, particularly one that empowers youth as key agents of change, remains severely lacking (OECD, 2021). Trust, as widely understood, refers to “the willingness of a party to be vulnerable to the actions of another party, based on the expectation that the other party will perform a particular action, irrespective of the trustor’s ability to monitor or control” (Gracia & Arino, 2014). In this context, analysts described the 2020 Jordanian parliamentary election as “a strong indication of Jordanians’ disengagement in the process of political change and reform” (Fdailat, 2020, para. 9).

The 2020 election, like previous parliamentary contests, was marked by low participation, but it recorded the most dismal turnout rate to date, just 29.9%, the weakest in recent memory (Abu Hamoud & Alodat, 2024). This continues a worrying trend, with turnout in 2016 at only 36.13%. These persistent declines suggest more than just political apathy; they point to fundamental communication and engagement failures. Specifically, the inability to reach and motivate the broader public, especially irregular voters, presents an enduring challenge to democratic participation in Jordan.

Recent scholarly attention in Jordan has focused on institutional and procedural dimensions of electoral management, particularly the legislative framework governing the 2016 elections (Alkhawaldeh, 2020). While the COVID-19 pandemic undeniably affected the 2020 elections, it does not fully explain the record-low participation. As early as 2013, Ryan warned that genuine reform efforts must engage all elements of society—civil society groups, political opposition, and beyond—seeing them not as obstacles but as indispensable components of the political system (Ryan, 2013, p. 5). Against this backdrop, the present study seeks to explore the ongoing decline in political participation in Jordan, with specific attention to the 2020 parliamentary election.

This study also investigates the role of digital communication, specifically social media, in shaping public engagement during the 2020 election campaign. It focuses on two major Facebook platforms: the Independent Election Commission (IEC), Jordan’s constitutionally mandated body responsible for supervising elections (Independent Election Commission, 2024), and Almamlaka TV, a national broadcaster aiming to serve as “an independent, professional, and responsible public service media platform” (Almamlaka, 2024).

The aim of this research is twofold. First, it uses quantitative content analysis to explore the reasons behind the declining levels of political participation in Jordan’s parliamentary elections. Second, it addresses a gap in the literature by analyzing how election-related messages are framed and disseminated, with practical implications for governmental bodies, media institutions, and electoral authorities. The study also interrogates the role of political trust, which has been identified as a major determinant of voter disengagement; notably, the 2020 turnout collapse was attributed in part to a deepening trust crisis (Alsayoud, 2021). Finally, the research examines the application of political public relations (PR) strategies to the electoral process in Jordan.

Guided by this context, the study addresses the following six research questions:

RQ1: What topics did Almamlaka TV and the Independent Election Commission’s Facebook pages publish during Jordan’s 2020 parliamentary election?

RQ2: What frames were employed by these Facebook pages during the election?

RQ3: What types of PR appeals were used in the content shared?

RQ4: What was the focus of the Facebook content during the election campaign?

RQ5: Did the selected platforms employ political PR strategies to engage voters, and if so, how?

RQ6: How can we better understand voter behavior in Jordan?

Literature Review

Digital political PR and voter engagement: Moving the election process forward?

Political public relations (PR) plays a pivotal role in shaping political discourse and driving voter engagement, particularly during election campaigns (Eshbaugh-Soha, 2019; Choy, 2018; Baines, 2011; Molony & Colmer, 2001). In recent years, social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter have become essential tools in this domain (Silva & Proksch, 2022; Kreiss & McGregor, 2018; Sinčić Ćorić et al., 2017; LaMarre & Suzuki-Lambrecht, 2013). Both politicians (Stier et al., 2018) and governments (Nabatchi & Amsler, 2014) increasingly utilize digital political PR to build trust and relationships with the public. As Sweetser (2011, p. 294) notes, digital political PR not only informs and engages but also mobilizes publics through digital tools, taking cocreational communication to a new level.

This study responds to calls in the literature to advance beyond functionalist and technical approaches to PR, exploring its potential as a mechanism for meaningful political engagement (Susila et al., 2020; Roper & Hurst, 2021). It represents one of the first scholarly efforts to address political PR in the Jordanian context, where PR is predominantly practiced within corporate or administrative settings—such as municipalities (Abu Rumman & Alzeyadat, 2021), public institutions (Hissi, 2021; Mansour, 2014), universities (Al-Adwan, 2016), and the police (Al-Kasasbeh, 2015). In Jordan, political PR is not yet seen as a strategic bridge between political institutions and the public—a gap that this research seeks to fill.

The literature emphasizes the need to reconnect political communication with the public, especially in contexts of eroding trust and rising demand for democratic reform. Stromback and Kiousis (2011, p. 2) highlight the lack of integrated theorization linking PR, political communication, and political science. In Jordan, this disconnect is acutely felt as public dissatisfaction with the political process grows. As Aldabas (2023, p. 3) argues, rebuilding political stability cannot be achieved through rhetoric alone. Instead, there is a pressing need for a more professionalized, strategic political communication approach—one rooted in engagement, trust-building, and what De Beus (2011) calls "PR democracy."

Substantial research supports the view that political PR can be a powerful driver of public engagement and political change (Trayner, 2017). Holladay and Coombs (2013) note that political actors with strong PR knowledge are better positioned to promote transparent democratic processes. Effective PR practitioners can influence public attitudes, foster support for reform, and build trust in institutions (Benecke et al., 2017; Johnston & Lavine, 2012). This aligns with Bernays’ view of PR as an enduring societal function, combining communication and action to “inform, persuade, or integrate people with people” (Stromback & Kiousis, 2011, p. 1).

The current study is therefore timely, particularly in light of Jordan’s declining voter turnout. Participation dropped from 53% in 2007 and 54% in 2010 to 36.13% in 2016, 29.9% in 2020, and 32.25% in 2024. These figures highlight a persistent political crisis that demands targeted PR strategies aimed at restoring public trust and engagement. Saffer et al. (2019, p. 3) describe engagement as a dynamic, multidimensional relational concept involving psychological and behavioral attributes such as interaction, participation, and involvement. This notion of engagement aligns closely with the mission of Jordan’s Independent Election Commission (IEC), whose founding objective is “to ensure the transparency of the elections and regaining the people’s trust in the electoral process” (IEC, 2024).

Despite its importance, engagement in Jordanian elections has remained largely superficial. While public engagement is often mentioned in policy documents, it is rarely implemented in practice. For example, the IEC’s strategic planning documents emphasize internal capacity building but omit meaningful strategies for engaging the public. This gap is particularly troubling given the country’s long-standing political challenges, such as low trust in institutions, voter apathy, and weak citizen-government communication.

Empirical studies confirm this trend. Alhammad et al. (2021) found that Almamlaka TV was the most-watched outlet for political awareness during the 2020 election, while the IEC’s brochures, social media, and seminars were among the least used tools. Similarly, Alkhawaldeh (2020) notes that traditional methods such as posters, SMS campaigns, and printed handouts were heavily relied upon in 2016. Yet these efforts lacked strategic coordination, particularly in their failure to connect with the public’s concerns and attitudes. These findings suggest that political PR in Jordan suffers not from absence, but from misapplication and underutilization in contexts where reform is urgently needed.

If the government were to adopt a strategic public engagement framework, different electoral outcomes could be realized. Although this may sound overly optimistic, the literature supports the idea that engagement is a powerful mechanism for solving political and social crises (Murunga et al., 2024). Hence, EirGrid (2020) demonstrates that: Effective public engagement focused on social acceptance - “work towards solutions that have…public support”; capacity - “increase our public engagement capacity and invest in our people and tools; and partnerships- renew and revitalise our existing alliances - and develop new ones. (as cited in Boyle et al., 2024, p. 4)

To increase voter turnout, political communication must go beyond passive messaging and toward motivational and participatory strategies. As Formanchuk (2019) notes, motivation in PR is not simply about encouragement—it is about providing reasons and incentives for action. In Jordan’s context, political reforms cannot succeed unless public opinion is actively and sincerely engaged. PR professionals must therefore be empowered within government institutions to participate in strategic decision-making and represent public perspectives, not just institutional agendas (Kiousis & Stromback, 2011, p. 316).

Finally, applying the framework of Sriramesh and Vercic (2009, 2019, as cited in Dhanesh & Duthler, 2019, p. 71), this study argues that effective PR thrives in pluralistic, democratic societies. For Jordan to move forward with credible reforms, political PR must become a central component of its governance and electoral strategies, focused not only on visibility but on dialogue, trust-building, and sustained engagement.

Methodology

This study employed a quantitative research design through the use of content analysis, focusing on the Facebook pages of Almamlaka TV and the Independent Election Commission of Jordan. Content analysis was selected as the primary method of data collection and interpretation due to its capacity to systematically examine communication patterns and infer meaning from textual and visual data. Krippendorff (2004) defines content analysis as “a research technique for making replicable and valid inferences from texts (or other meaningful matter to the contexts of their use)” (as cited in White & Marsh, 2006, pp. 23–27). This method has proven particularly effective in communication and political science research, as it accommodates diverse data types and allows researchers to address complex questions concerning media content and strategic messaging (White & Marsh, 2006). Similarly, Sayre (1992) asserts that content analysis is well-suited for studying the overt communicative behavior of media actors and for understanding how messages are constructed to influence audiences (as cited in Vespestad & Clancy, 2021).

Therefore, the application of content analysis in this study enabled the systematic investigation of the communication styles, themes, and strategic appeals employed by the two selected platforms. The aim was to uncover how these public-facing organizations utilized political public relations tools to engage voters and influence public perception in the lead-up to the 2020 parliamentary elections.

Sampling

This study analyzed content drawn from the official Facebook pages of Almamlaka TV and the Independent Election Commission. These platforms were purposefully selected due to their central role in representing the government’s official electoral communication. The selection of Facebook as the social media platform of focus was also intentional, given the high penetration and active usage of Facebook among Jordanians. In August 2022, there were approximately 7,219,200 Facebook users in Jordan, comprising 67.3% of the total population, with males accounting for 54.8% of users (Al-Saidat et al., 2023, p. 2458). This demographic data underscores the platform’s significance as a communication channel capable of reaching a broad and diverse audience.

The time frame for data collection extended from August 9 to November 10, 2020, covering the critical pre-election and election period. A total of 992 Facebook posts—882 from Almamlaka TV and 110 from the Independent Election Commission—were analyzed. This period was strategically chosen to capture the communication dynamics leading up to the parliamentary election held on November 10, 2020. The focus was on identifying how these two institutions structured their digital content in relation to voter mobilization, public trust, and political participation.

Throughout the coding process, seven core analytical categories emerged: multimedia tools, effects, focus, topics, framing, appeals, and digital engagement. These categories were developed inductively based on the data and refined through iterative coding to ensure alignment with the study’s research objectives and questions. Each category was clearly defined and operationalized to maintain coding consistency and analytical depth.

To ensure reliability and validity, multiple measures were undertaken. First, a category codebook was developed, detailing the operational definitions of each theme to support replicable coding decisions. Second, expert validation was conducted by having the content analysis reviewed by independent scholars in the field. Their feedback was incorporated to enhance both the construct validity and the clarity of the analytical categories. Third, a reliability check was performed through intercoder reliability procedures; although the specific coefficients are not detailed here, consistency in the coding process was a primary concern and was carefully monitored to reduce subjectivity and error.

Table 1.The materials published on Facebook pages
Sample Distribution	Frequency	Percentage
Al-Mamlaka TV	882	88.9
Independent Election Commission of Jordan	110	11.1
Total	992	100%

Source: Calculated by the author

Results And Discussion

The analysis focused on the formal characteristics of election-related news, including multimedia techniques, visual effects, headline usage, and content features such as topics, frames, and appeals.

Multimedia channels

The following table shows the multimedia tools used to highlight the importance of the election.

Table 2.Multimedia Tools used in the Facebook pages by the research sample.
Multimedia Used		Al-Mamlaka TV		Independent Election Commission of Jordan		Total
Multimedia Used		%	F	%	F	%	F
Image	Personal	5.8	51	4.5	5	5.6	56
	Archival	4.8	42	2.7	3	4.5	45
	Interpretive	49	432	53.6	59	49.5	491
Video	Live	13.4	118	23.6	26	14.5	144
	Archival	3.9	34	0	0	3.4	34
	Graphic	0.6	5	4.5	5	1	10
Graphics	Charts	2.6	23	2.7	3	2.6	26
	Maps	4.9	43	0.9	1	4.4	44
	caricature	2.5	22	0.9	1	2.3	23
	Infographic	4	35	1.8	2	3.7	37
	Official Document Images	5.2	46	0	-	4.6	46
	No Multimedia	3.5	31	4.5	5	3.6	36
Total		100	882	100	110	100	992

χ2: 40.042 Degrees of Freedom: 11 Significance Level: 0.000 Statistically significant Compatibility Coefficient: 0.197, % = percentage, F Frequency. Source: Calculated by the author

Figure 1.The types of multimedia tools used by the research sample. Source: The data collected from the Facebook pages has been analysed and shown in this figure.

Figure 2.Election News posted by Almamlaka TV’s Facebook account. Source: Almamlaka TV’s Facebook account.

Figure 3.Election News posted by Almamlaka TV’s Facebook account. Source: Almamlaka TV’s Facebook account.

The table below illustrates the multimedia tools used to emphasize the importance of the election. Notably, the number of images utilized in election coverage exceeded the use of other multimedia formats. Almamlaka TV, for instance, frequently reposted news following live streams and published exclusive images, including photo albums and breaking news stories related to the election. However, as a prominent government-affiliated media outlet operating in a country with consistently low voter turnout, Almamlaka TV ought to engage the public more strategically and innovatively.

In this regard, Ha et al. (2013) argue that for the general public, television remains the most influential source of campaign information, while the internet holds particular significance for first-time voters. Increased television news consumption also correlates with greater consensus on key public issues within reference groups (Shaw & Martin, 1992).

Recent data show that the 2024 parliamentary election in Jordan achieved a 32.25% turnout—slightly higher than in 2020. Following the announcement of these results, the Ministry of Political and Parliamentary Affairs remarked that “Jordanian citizens are still afraid of joining parties because they do not know their political rights” (para. 25). This insight underscores the foundational role of political public relations in using media platforms to convey political views, solutions, and issue interpretations with the goal of generating public support for political policies and campaigns (Froehlich & Rudiger, 2006). Publicity and appeals are major political PR functions, which seem absent from the political arena in Jordan, especially when elections are involved. Meanwhile, the commission’s page had been posting informative images and albums, such as the following images:

Figure 4.The Commission’s Facebook post of final lists and candidates.Source: The Commission’s Facebook page/account.

Details on the final lists and candidates for the 19th House of Representatives. It is noted that the final lists will be published on the official website.

Figure 5.The Commission’s Facebook post for promoting the election. Source: The Commission’s Facebook page/account.

Figure 6.The Commission’s Facebook post about titles and locations for submitting candidacy applications.Source: The Commission’s Facebook page/account.

Note: To view the titles and locations for submitting candidacy applications, visit the following link:https://bit.ly/34fdMe

Despite the potential of such communication, the analysis reveals a striking absence of strategic publicity and persuasive appeals in the political sphere in Jordan, particularly during election periods. The Independent Election Commission’s Facebook page, for example, mainly posted informative images and albums. It is worth noting that the Commission also shared live and awareness videos. Some of these videos explained procedural aspects, such as vote counting, while others focused on voting during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, these posts largely reflect routine communication behavior rather than genuine engagement. As Dhanesh (2017, p. 387) explains, true public relations engagement requires organizations to “make a conscious effort to do something special to engage publics.”

For instance, formats such as televised debates can significantly enhance interactivity and appeal, especially for young voters. Brubaker, Horning, and Toula (2015) found that more dynamic debate formats can positively influence how younger audiences perceive political candidates. Consequently, these findings offer valuable insight into how voter behavior in Jordan can be better understood. A skeptical and distrustful public—such as the Jordanian electorate—cannot be effectively reached through conventional news posts and static imagery. The absence of persuasive planning and strategic execution explains why such efforts have failed to mobilize voter participation.

According to Baines (2011), political PR in election campaigns is fundamentally about influencing public opinion and voting behavior to secure electoral support. This principle, however, has not been meaningfully applied in Jordanian elections. Within this context, agenda-setting and framing theories are vital. Political PR utilizes media relations and news management to influence the public agenda and shape perceptions. The agenda-setting theory emphasizes that the more media coverage an issue receives, the more significant it becomes in the public’s mind (Coleman et al., 2008). Strategic framing, on the other hand, involves constructing political messages using narratives and metaphors that resonate with voters' core beliefs. Hallahan (2011, p. 177) highlights that framing is effective only when it supports a broader idea that aligns with voters’ values.

The research findings clearly indicate the absence of these frameworks in the current media landscape, helping to explain voter disengagement in Jordan. Notably, 61% of the public stated that the COVID-19 pandemic had no influence on their decision to vote (Nasrallah, 2021, p. 11). In essence, the failure lies not in circumstances but in the lack of strategic communication. As Ma’ayeh and Sweis (2021) observed:

"...only 29.9 percent of the 4.64 million eligible voters cast their ballot, down from 36 percent in 2016. It was the lowest turnout in more than a decade and an indication of voter apathy and mistrust in the political process. Concerns about the coronavirus transmission contributed to the low voter turnout, but many experts agree it was not the only reason. Polls reveal low confidence in government institutions, and many view parliament as being ineffective and lacking real legislative powers. In fact, several polls that were conducted prior to the coronavirus spread indicated that voter turnout would be low. On November 2, 2020, eight days before the elections, a poll published by Hayat for Civil Society Development (RASED) revealed that only 33.7 percent of Jordanians intended to participate in the elections, with 57 percent of those surveyed saying they do not believe the next parliament would be effective." (p. 1)

Therefore, voter behavior in Jordan is deeply rooted in political distrust and communicative disconnection—challenges that require not only policy reforms but also the strategic application of political public relations to rebuild trust and re-engage the electorate.

Figure 7.The Commission’s post of the Mechanism for counting votes. Source: The Commission’s Facebook page/account.

Figure 8. An example of the Commission’s attempt to engage with the public. Source: The Commission’s Facebook page/account.

Effects

According to Table 3, background music emerged as the most frequently used effect on both Facebook pages, serving to attract attention and underscore the significance of the election. Other effects included images depicting various stages of the electoral process, hashtags, election result visuals, infographics, and videos. Notably, the Independent Election Commission primarily relied on images illustrating electoral stages and infographics, the latter offering visually appealing summaries of election procedures designed to simplify complex information for the public.

Figure 9.The Commission’s attempt to persuade the public to vote. Source: The Commission’s Facebook account/page

Figure 10.The Commission’s attempt to persuade the public to vote. Source: The Commission’s Facebook account/page

While these Figures 9, 10 suggest an attempt to inform the public, their traditional and uninspired presentation appeared to provoke cynicism rather than engagement. For instance, one post merely stated, “Ballots are open.” Although the intent was informational, this post was shared only four times, received eleven comments, and was reacted to with a combination of fifty-one likes and laugh emojis. One user sarcastically commented, “You make me feel that you’ve just opened Heaven’s doors!”—a response indicative of public disillusionment.

The Commission also employed hashtags in an effort to foster public dialogue. However, despite using a variety of tags and posing questions aimed at engagement, public reactions remained skeptical. One comment, for example, read: “Please tell me if you have the names of the candidates who will eventually win—you already know. If you do not tell me, I will boycott the election.” This reflects a deeper mistrust in the transparency of the electoral process. Hashtags were also used to highlight key election-related themes such as future, manipulation, and corruption, yet these efforts failed to generate meaningful engagement or shift public sentiment.

The failure to address such critical and emotionally charged responses risks deepening public alienation. As Sweetser (2011, p. 304) emphasizes, “[a] key piece of this voice is that it allows people to engage with others not only as peers, but as influencers, and in some cases, agenda setters.” When institutions ignore public discourse or fail to respond strategically, they miss vital opportunities to shape narratives and rebuild trust.

Figure 11.An example of the Commission’s attempt to engage with the public.Source: The Commission’s Facebook account/page

Table 3.Effects of Election Presentation
Effects of Election Presentation	Al-Mamlaka TV		Independent Election Commission of Jordan		Total
Effects of Election Presentation	%	F	%	F	%	F
Background Music	35.1	310	19.1	21	33.4	331
Images depicting stages of the electoral process	19	168	36.4	40	21	208
Hashtag specific to the electoral process	18.1	160	18.2	20	18.1	180
Images representing election results	12.1	107	10.9	12	12	119
Infographic	11	97	10.9	12	11	109
Video depicting public gathering for voting	4.5	40	4.5	5	4.5	45
Total	100	882	100	110	100	992

χ2: 21.665 Degrees of Freedom: 5 Significance Level: 0.000 Statistically significant Compatibility Coefficient: 0.146, % = percentage, F =. Frequency. Source: The Facebook accounts of the research sample.

Focus

Everything related to the election process should, in principle, be a primary focus of the communication strategies employed by the selected media outlets. Encouragingly, 90.4% of the analyzed posts were indeed focused on election-related content. In response to the research question—What was the focus of the Facebook pages’ content used during Jordan’s 2020 parliamentary election?—Figure 12 and Table 4 offer clear insights into this distribution.

Figure 12.The focus of the Facebook pages’ content used during Jordan’s 2020 parliamentary election.

Table 4.The focus of the Facebook pages’ content used during Jordan’s 2020 parliamentary election.
Election coverage	Al-Mamlaka TV		Independent Election Commission of Jordan		Total
Election coverage	%	F	%	F	%	F
Focusing on election only	89.2	787	100	110	90.4	897
Focusing on political issues, including election	10.8	95	-	-	9.6	95
Total	100	882	100	110	100	992

χ2: 13.103 Degrees of Freedom: 1 Significance Level: 0.000 Statistically significant Compatibility Coefficient: 0.114, % = percentage, F =. Frequency. Source: Calculated by the author

Despite the high proportion of posts centered on the election, the underlying assumption that frequent dissemination of political messages and news stories alone would increase voter turnout appears misguided. A high volume of content does not automatically translate into meaningful engagement or behavioral change among the public. This singular focus, while quantitatively impressive, failed to shift public attitudes or motivate voter participation.

Therefore, these findings suggest that media outlets with electoral mandates must adopt more strategic approaches. Simply broadcasting information is insufficient; rather, there must be an emphasis on tailored messaging, emotional resonance, and audience-centered communication. The literature on political public relations highlights the importance of agenda-building through strategic news management and media relations, where the saliency of issues is carefully constructed to foster public support (Kiousis & Stromback, 2014; Lieber & Golan, 2011).

Throsby (2013) similarly argues that disengaged voters can be mobilized if political media redefine their role more broadly—beyond informing—to actively facilitating participation. To achieve this, a deep understanding of public sentiment is essential. Emotional appeals, in particular, play a crucial role in shaping attitudes and behaviors. As Lee (2020) notes, factors such as frequency of social media use, levels of political participation, emotional attitudes toward voting, and confidence in electoral choices are central to understanding voter behavior.

In this context, tools of political PR—especially those involving two-way communication and digital engagement—are indispensable. Saffer et al. (2013) demonstrate how organizations can leverage digital political PR to become influential actors in the political landscape, forming coalitions and mobilizing groups within digital networks to achieve strategic objectives. Without such efforts, content-heavy campaigns may fail to generate the desired public response, as was evidently the case in Jordan’s 2020 election.

Topics

According to Table 5, ten major content topics were identified, providing direct answers to the research question: What topics did Almamlaka TV and the Independent Election Commission’s Facebook pages publish during Jordan’s 2020 parliamentary election?

Table 5.The election topics highlighted in the Facebook posts of the commission and TV channel.
Election topics	Al-Mamlaka TV		Independent Election Commission of Jordan		Total
Election topics	%	F	%	F	%	F
stages of the electoral process	20.6	207	16.5	22	20.1	229
Measures taken by electoral committees to address the COVID-19 pandemic	14.4	145	11.3	15	14	160
Emphasis on the importance of voting	11.6	117	12	16	11.7	133
election results	11.4	115	9.8	13	11.2	128
Electoral lists	10.4	105	9	12	10.3	117
Key dates in the electoral process	8.1	81	10.5	14	8.3	95
Electoral appeals	7.3	73	6.8	9	7.2	82
Submission of candidate documents to the committee	6.2	62	11.3	15	6.8	77
Participating through voting	5.9	59	7.5	10	6.1	69
Electoral seats for provinces	4.2	42	5.3	7	4.3	49
Total	100	1006	100	133	100	1139

χ2: 8.607 Degrees of Freedom: 9 Significance Level: 0.474 Not statistically significant, % = percentage, F =. Frequency. Source: Calculated by the author

Surprisingly, the most frequently addressed topic was the stages of the electoral process, while emphasis on the importance of voting ranked third, and participating through voting appeared only in ninth place. These findings point to a significant disconnect between official messaging and the actual motivations or concerns of the voting public. The focus on procedural details rather than the intrinsic value of participation reflects a missed opportunity to build political trust and foster civic responsibility.

This trend strongly suggests that neither the Commission nor Almamlaka TV approached the election as a strategic communication challenge requiring persuasive, citizen-focused messaging. Instead, their approach appeared largely informational, devoid of emotional appeals or motivational rhetoric. As a result, the government’s communication channels failed to inspire confidence in the electoral process or to encourage meaningful participation.

The data, therefore, underscore the urgent need for governmental institutions to reimagine their political PR strategies. Rather than treating elections as administrative exercises, they must view them as opportunities to engage with the public, build trust, and advocate for democratic participation through compelling, well-framed content.

Framing

According to Tables 6 and 7, the framing techniques employed on both Facebook pages appear to lack careful strategic consideration. The most frequently used frame was the responsibility frame, which places the onus on the public to choose the right candidate and participate in the election. This frame accounted for 20.2% of the posts. Additionally, frames intended to support the public’s decision to vote appeared in only 16.9% of the content. The collaboration frame, which implies a partnership between the government and the public for the success of the election, ranked fifth at just 6%. Likewise, behavioral frames, which are intended to encourage a shift in public behavior from boycotting the election to participating in it, were used in only 5.9% of the posts. These findings directly address the research question: What frames were employed by Almamlaka TV and the Independent Election Commission’s Facebook pages during Jordan’s 2020 parliamentary election?

The framing strategies revealed through the analysis are insufficient in addressing the deeper issue: elections in Jordan constitute a political crisis and should be defined and communicated as such. Without acknowledging the crisis, public support is likely to continue diminishing, exacerbating the situation and potentially leading to more severe political disengagement. In this regard, Erzikova and Bowen (2019) emphasize that framing can serve as a critical public relations tool, not only to define a problem as a crisis but also to present it as an opportunity for learning and institutional growth. The literature confirms that during political crises, PR must respond through effective government relations and public affairs, both of which are intrinsic to the practice of public relations (Erzikova & Bowen, 2019, p. 6). Similarly, Rice and Somerville (2013) argue that PR has the potential to play a key role in nation-building, reconciling divided societies, and mobilizing public support for political consensus (p. 300).

Table 6.Dominant Frames
Dominant frame	Al-Mamlaka TV		Independent Election Commission of Jordan		Total
Dominant frame	%	F	%	F	%	F
Responsibility	20.5	199	18.3	22	20.2	221
Support and decision backing	16.9	164	17.5	21	16.9	185
Political	13.3	129	10	12	12.9	141
Circumstantial	10.2	99	9.2	11	10.1	110
Collaboration	6.2	60	5	6	6	66
Behavioural	6	58	5	6	5.9	64
Pressure and escalation	6	58	2.5	3	5.6	61
Warning	5	49	8.3	10	5.4	59
Legal	4	39	7.5	9	4.4	48
Conflict	3.6	35	5.8	7	3.8	42
Victim	3.3	32	4.2	5	3.4	37
Crisis management	2.2	21	2.5	3	2.2	24
Solutions and proposals	1.5	15	1.7	2	1.6	17
Ideological	1	10	1.7	2	1.1	12
Historical	0.4	4	0.8	1	0.5	5
Total	100	972	100	120	100	1092

χ2: 11.575, Degrees of Freedom: 14, Significance Level: 0.640, Not statistically significant, % = percentage, F =. Frequency. Source: Calculated by the author

Table 7.The frames used and their function.
Frames’ functions	Al-Mamlaka TV		Independent Election Commission of Jordan		Total
Frames’ functions	%	F	%	F	%	F
Event description	37.3	363	34.2	41	37	404
Causes of event	28.5	277	18.3	22	27.4	299
Event processing	19.8	192	29.2	35	20.8	227
Event outcomes	11.4	111	16.7	20	12	131
Solution proposals	3	29	1.7	2	2.8	31
Total	100	972	100	120	100	1092

χ2: 11.979 Degrees of Freedom: 4 Significance Level: 0.000 Statistically significant Compatibility Coefficient: 0.104, % = percentage, F =. Frequency. Source: Calculated by the author

Table 7 further illustrates the functional shortcomings of the employed frames. Most prominently, describing the election process accounted for 37% of the framing functions. However, what should have been prioritized was communicating on multiple levels and building public trust through engagement. The second most common function, explaining the causes of the event, focused on framing the election as a necessary step toward renewing Jordan’s political vision. Surprisingly, providing solutions and answers, arguably one of the most crucial communicative goals, was the least used function, comprising only 2.8% of the content.

This is problematic, as the public requires clear, credible, and well-structured explanations to regain trust in the electoral process. Political institutions involved in elections, trust-building, and relationship management must therefore master the art of strategic message framing. Public relations, when used effectively—as a form of “soft propaganda”—can promote political inclusion, rebuild public trust, and provide much-needed clarity (Toledano & McKie, 2007, pp. 389–390). Without such an approach, framing remains underutilized, and the potential of political PR in shaping positive electoral outcomes in Jordan remains unrealized.

Appeals

Table 8 provides insight into the research question: What PR appeals were implemented by the research sample? The most commonly employed logical appeal by both the Independent Election Commission and Almamlaka TV was the use of numbers and statistics (21.8%). These posts typically involved presenting election results and participation rates. Conversely, reassurance emerged as the most prominent emotional appeal, appearing in 19.2% of the content.

However, addressing a public described as “seriously angry” through statistics alone is unlikely to be effective. Numbers do little to resonate emotionally with an audience experiencing political disillusionment and mistrust. This underscores the importance of crafting appeals using strategic frames that go beyond informational content. With a voter turnout of only 32.25% in the 2024 election, recent analyses argue that the government must urgently respond to public demands to absorb widespread frustration and anger (AboTayer, 2024). Such a response cannot be achieved without employing political PR campaigns that strategically integrate emotional appeals to control narratives, manage impressions, and influence public perception (Edwards, 2016; Raj & Chandran, 2006).

Table 8.Almamlaka and the Commission’s usage of PR appeals.
Appeals		Al-Mamlaka TV		Independent Election Commission of Jordan		Total
Appeals		%	F	%	F	%	F
Logical	Numbers and statistics	21.8	192	56.4	62	25.6	254
	Laws and regulations	6.9	61	9.1	10	7.2	71
	Studies	3.6	32	0	0	3.2	32
	Citing reality	15.6	138	10	11	15	149
Emotional	Generalization	5.3	47	3.6	4	5.1	51
	Bias	5.6	49	0	0	4.9	49
	Intimidation	5.1	45	1.8	2	4.7	47
	Reassurance	20.4	180	9.1	10	19.2	190
	Use of connotations	10	88	4.5	5	9.4	93
	Focus on human aspects	5.7	50	5.5	6	5.6	56
	Total	100	882	100	110	100	992

χ2: 70.936 Degrees of Freedom: 9 Significance Level: 0.000 Statistically significant Compatibility Coefficient: 0.258, % = percentage, F =. Frequency Source: Calculated by the author

Digital engagement

This study examines the role of digital public engagement in increasing voter turnout and explores how political PR strategies could advance this goal. Disappointingly, Table 9 reveals that digital engagement was weakly implemented. The highest number of likes recorded was 3,600 for Almamlaka and 2,900 for the Commission. Given that Jordan has a population exceeding 11 million, of which a majority are young and nearly 10 million have internet access, such low engagement levels reflect a lack of strategic planning and an ineffective approach to addressing a highly skeptical and disengaged public.

The academic literature clearly affirms that elections cannot be effectively managed without the strategic application of political PR, which is why election campaigning has long been recognized as a central function of the PR industry (Kiousis et al., 2014). Choy (2018) defines political PR as a communication practice—“a recurrent and meaningful pattern of message-endowed action” (p. 1). In this context, engagement entails more than content dissemination; it involves community-building, strengthening relationships between publics and institutions, and encouraging active involvement in political and civic processes (Johnston, 2014).

Table 9.How the public engaged digitally with Almamlaka & the Commission’s election posts through Facebook.
Engagement		Deviation	Mean	Maximum	Minimum
Independent Election Commission of Jordan	Likes	712.245	613.29	2900	67
	Posts	10.307	7.10	45	0
	Comments	167.018	104.00	784	9
Al-Mamlaka TV	Likes	1024.073	983.33	3600	10
	Posts	70.352	43.44	223	0
	Comments	87.137	87.78	265	5

Source: Calculated by the author

Regrettably, the findings indicate that political PR is not currently guiding or shaping the political communication landscape in Jordan. Effective engagement and action-oriented framing need to be strategically designed and implemented to encourage the public to view elections, government initiatives, and reforms more positively. Moreover, such efforts could influence perceptions on controversial political matters—such as the ongoing debates surrounding the Teachers’ Syndicate and the legitimacy of forming political parties and implementing reform.

These democratic demands cannot be ignored or inadequately addressed. In the broader battle for public trust and legitimacy, Jordan must rethink how it strategically communicates with its citizens and how it can promote meaningful and lasting change in the country’s political life.

Accordingly, the answer to the research question—Do the research samples employ political PR strategies to engage voters, and if so, how?—is a definitive no. The analysis reveals that the topics addressed by the samples are superficial and lack strategic depth. Neither the Commission nor Almamlaka TV appear to be fully aware of the long-standing issues that resonate most with the Jordanian public—particularly the crisis of trust that fundamentally undermines the government's reform agenda. Unsurprisingly, no PR techniques were found to have been used in a way that could influence public attitudes or voter behavior.

Addressing a political crisis of this scale—characterized by persistently low voter turnout and rising levels of anger and mistrust—requires the strategic application of crisis communication within political PR. As Anthony (2012, p. 166) argues, “preparatory PR on planning should go beyond the normal task of explaining the department to the public, and aim at educating public opinion to the right form of reconstruction.” Without such a proactive, strategic communication approach, efforts to rebuild political participation in Jordan are unlikely to succeed.

Conclusion

The research question—How can we comprehend voter behavior in Jordan?—can be addressed by examining the relationship between the communication and engagement strategies employed by governmental institutions, as reflected in the selected research sample, and the persistently low voter turnout in parliamentary elections. The 2024 election, with a turnout of only 32.25%, further underscores this disconnect. These findings suggest that, in the absence of a deliberate and strategic application of political public relations, particularly the proactive and strategic involvement of PR practitioners (Kiousis & Strömbäck, 2011), efforts to translate Jordan’s political reform agenda into tangible outcomes will continue to fall short.

To address this persistent issue, it is essential that political communication in Jordan evolves beyond routine messaging to embrace a more sophisticated, trust-oriented, and dialogic approach. Political PR must be embedded in both the planning and execution of electoral strategies, not as an auxiliary function but as a core component of public governance and reform.

Furthermore, we recommend that future research explore the role of political PR in managing voter turnout during periods of crisis, particularly in contexts marked by political distrust or instability. Understanding how electoral timing interacts with public sentiment and engagement levels is crucial. PR practitioners, equipped with crisis communication strategies, can support public engagement even under adverse conditions by promoting clarity, fostering trust, and reframing political discourse.

In this regard, it is vital to acknowledge “the influence of political public relations on the antecedents, processes, and consequences of crisis management and communication” (Kiousis & Strömbäck, 2011, p. 321). Without integrating this understanding into electoral planning, Jordan risks perpetuating a cycle of voter apathy, disillusionment, and political stagnation. Thus, political PR should not only support government narratives but also actively shape democratic engagement by encouraging inclusive, transparent, and credible communication practices.

Acknowledgement Statement: The authors would like to thank to all participants and the reviewers for providing comments in helping this manuscript to completion.

Conflicts of interest: The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

Authors' contribution statements: Sarah A. Okour and Khalaf Alhammad performed the experiment. Sarah A. Okour wrote the manuscript with support from Khalaf Alhammad. Sarah A. Okour and Khalaf Alhammad fabricated the sample, and Sarah A. Okour supervised the project..

Funding statements: As there was no external funding received for this research, the study was conducted without financial support from any funding agency or organization.

Data availability statement: Data is available at request. Please contact the corresponding author for any additional information on data access or usage.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author(s) and contributor(s) and do not necessarily reflect JICC's or editors' official policy or position. All liability for harm done to individuals or property as a result of any ideas, methods, instructions, or products mentioned in the content is expressly disclaimed.

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The Role of Political Public Relations In Enhancing Voter Engagement: 2020 Jordanian Parliamentary Election As A Case Study

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Sarah Ahmad Okour

Khalaf Lafee Alhammad

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Sarah Ahmad Okour

Khalaf Lafee Alhammad

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